This article is about the ‘Musahar’ community of Bihar state in India that frequently finds itself hidden by the intricate Indian caste dynamics. The term ‘Musahar’ encompasses a varied range of identities, including those who have been historically categorized as rat-eaters, as well as individuals grappling with the untouchability, political, economic and educational adversities. The Musahars are put under Scheduled Caste on record and constitute a significant sect of the demographic landscape of Bihar. However, they continue to be the most marginalized community within the Dalits. This community is facing significant socio-economic challenges, with a disturbing 92.5% of its members employed as agricultural labourers. Most of such individuals working as agricultural labourers are landless. Landlessness of Musahars is further exacerbated by their low literacy rate and restricted access to education and health facilities. This blog article is an attempt to examine the multifaceted nature of the ‘Musahar’ identity and marginalization they are facing by highlighting their history, contemporary challenges and pressing necessity for taking initiatives aimed at encouraging the dignified living of this community. 

The Musahar group, sometimes labelled with the pejorative ‘rat eater’, has a rich and intricate historical past that surpasses this limited depiction. The word Bhuiyan, meaning ‘land’, signifies the etymological origins of the Musahar people, who historically had little land ownership. Veteran anthropologists H.H. Risley and R.V. Russell scrutinized the origin of the Dravidian tribes and suggested that these groups were progressively adapted into the Hindu caste system over time. The title ‘Musahar’ originates from ‘Musa Ahar’(rat eater) , emphasizing their history in field rat hunting, a survival tactic common among several indigenous tribes.

The Musahars migrated from the wooded hills of Mirzapur (a district in Uttar Pradesh, India) to the lush plains of Bihar, perhaps beginning in the 12th century. The motivation for this movement may be attributed to the agricultural sector, particularly the heightened need for labour in rice field farming. Following their settlement in various regions, a division arose between two separate offshoots i.e. the Magahiya Musahars in south Bihar and the Tirhutiya Musahars in the north. The socio-economic condition of these groups displays substantial disparity, since the Magahiya Musahars generally experience more favourable circumstances than their Tirhutiya counterparts. In history, the Musahars transitioned from rat hunter to agricultural labourers, entrapped in a bonded labour system known as ‘Kamaiauti system’. This system was introduced as a result of British colonial policies to exploit the small agricultural labourers for the gains of landlords. Consequently, the Musahars experienced an endless cycle of poverty, illiteracy and social marginalization, eventually leading them to be classified as the most marginalized group in Hindu varna vyavastha (the Hindu caste system).

In literature, the identity of Musahars has been explained with several viewpoints, out of which the British colonial and Brahmanical standpoints are the popular ones. The renowned academicians like Gyan Prakash have critically analyzed these British Colonial and Brahmanical narratives, emphasizing the crucial role of Musahars as agricultural labours in northern Bihar, with their constant struggle against institutional exploitation. Despite their difficult past, the Musahar community has a complex identity marked by tenacity and a rich cultural heritage which challenges the stigmatized labels often assigned to them.

The Musahar community, placed under scheduled caste in India, faces significant political marginalization despite constitutional and other legal provisions intended to support disadvantaged groups like them. Although many castes, like Dusadhs and Chamars (names of the other castes under scheduled castes) benefitted from the reservation system, however, the Musahars were mostly ignored. The Mahadalit Commission was established in Bihar in 2007, aimed to recognize and support the most underprivileged SC communities like Musahars. Prominent political leaders like Misri Sada and Bhagwati Devi emerged as forerunners. However, their emergence did not significantly get politically recognized. In legislative assembly elections of Bihar in 2010, only 12 Musahar candidates attained electoral success, out of them only one was chosen as cabinet minister.

The political dynamics of the Musahar group are significantly formed by the local caste leaders who greatly influence voting behaviour and are often aligned with the major political parties in the region like Congress and Lalu Prasad Yadav led Rashtriya Janata Dal. The political party i.e. Janata Dal (United) garnered a great support among Musahars, because of their efforts towards setting up the Mahadalit Commission and emergence of prominent leaders like Jitan Ram Manjhi. Also, the current ruling party has proved to be successful in attracting Musahar votes because of their strategy to evoke their cultural heritage and linking it with influential leaders like Ambedkar to cultivate a feeling of solidarity among the Musahars. 

The marginalization faced by Musahars has often driven a segment of people to align with Naxalites in pursuit of freedom from oppression and exploitation as several Musahars are dissatisfied with the government seeing themselves excluded from decision-making processes. The people from this community are often mistreated by the upper caste Hindus within such decision-making bodies. The land reforms in Bihar in 1950s and 1960s further exacerbated the socio-economic marginalization of Musahars with the exploitation by landlords and Zamindars. Research by the Planning Commission of India in 2004 indicated that the Musahars could not profit from these changes, mostly owing to institutional limitations and discriminatory behaviours that obstructed their advancement. The land allotted to them was often of substandard quality, sometimes rendering it unfit for agriculture or situated in remote areas with inadequate access to markets and infrastructure.

A substantial portion of the Musahar population in Bihar participates in seasonal migration, seeking low-wage labour opportunities in northern regions of the nation, like Punjab and Haryana, where they contribute to diverse small-scale commercial and industrial ventures. The phenomenon of labour migration signified a substantial shift of the agricultural economy. The ‘Kamiauti’ system, historically significant in land-labour relations, deteriorated and was supplanted by a more individualized irrigation system, which replaced the once prevalent feudal-owned tank irrigation system. The migration of male members of the Musahar group to distant regions for employment has subjected them to the difficulties of an exploitative market system, leading to a notable feminization of the workforce in their communities.

The Musahar neighbourhood has considerable difficulties with child labour, since several youngsters are engaged as domestic helpers in the households of homeowners. These youngsters are often allocated yearly remuneration that encompasses the supply of daily sustenance and apparel. In rural regions, Musahars have access to work prospects in the agriculture industry for about three months annually. Nonetheless, there has been a notable rise in non-agricultural employment, and individuals are also engaging in the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) activities.

Although social activists and the media claimed instances of hunger fatalities among the Musahars, such occurrences were not recorded in the examined communities. Historically, Musahars have used several techniques to mitigate hunger, including consuming rodents, foraging for residual grain post-harvest, and gathering roots, snails, and fish from community water bodies. Their dietary patterns are mostly shaped by the seasonal accessibility of rats during harvest, while the remainder of the year is devoted to hunting for tiny fish, snails, and cockroaches. Nonetheless, there is a significant reduction in the prevalence of minors trafficked for prostitution and other forms of exploitation.

This group, classified as Maha Dalits to enable access to government services, is ensnared in a continuous cycle of hardship. The present critical condition is significantly exacerbated by the lack of fundamental amenities; the community is devoid of power, adequate roads, and educational facilities, compelling youngsters to traverse perilous rivers in pursuit of an education. They are found incessantly facing health problems such as ‘Asthma’ and ‘Kala Azar’ which is further deepened by the restricted access to the basic healthcare facilities. The community is prone to a large rate of infant mortality and mother mortality which highlights some of their other healthcare challenges. The plight of Musahars exemplifies the endless marginalization faced by them. It emphasizes the pressing need for the structural changes. In the pursuit of social justice, they are struggling with the prevailing system, constantly shifting to the non-agricultural occupations, migrating to metro cities and chasing educational possibilities in search for a dignified existence. It is crucial to strengthen the unheard voices of Musahars and fulfil their needs to promote a more equitable society.